St. Valentine’s Glory

The love heart's precursor: hedera-shaped word division. – Detail from http://nvb.aarome.org/privato/articoli/1059_2.JPG.

The love heart’s precursor: hedera distinguens – ivy-leaf-shaped word division in Latin inscriptions. – Detail from http://nvb.aarome.org/privato/articoli/1059_2.JPG.

Valentine’s Day is imminent: a day for lovers (to celebrate their romance), for the chocolate and flower industries (to make a fortune), and for the ill-informed (to point out that the Romans, too, celebrated a festival around the same time of year – a festival called the Lupercalia).

But did you know that the day’s eponymous Saint (or one of them, anyway) has actually been commemorated in a short poetic inscription that was discovered near the catacombs of St. Valentine’s in the city of Rome?

The inscription, three elegiac distichs that were engraved on a fragmented marble plaque, has been read as follows (CIL VI 33881 = CLE 1415 = ICUR X 27276 = ILCV 2141 [photo here, on p. 480]):

Hic Pastor medicus monument[a in martyris aula]
[f]elix dum superest condidit i[lla sibi].
perfecit cumcta, excoluit. qui [volt violare],
cernet quo iaceat, poena m[anebit eum].
addetur et tibi Valentini gloria [sancti],
vivere post obitum dat [deus ipse suis].

Here, in the martyr’s residence, founded Pastor, a doctor, this
monument for himself, lucky, while still alive.
He completed everything, took care of it. He who wishes to violate it,
he will see where he lies, and punishment will await him.
May the glory of St. Valentine be bestowed upon you, too:
God himself grants his kin life after death.

Unfortunately (or so some may say), this is not an inscription that commemorates Valentinus himself. Potential fragments of such a piece – believed by some to contain letters originally belonging to an epigram in honour of Valentinus composed by Pope Damasus – were found in the same location as well, but their pertaining to Valentinus has never been established with sufficient certainty.

Still, a remarkable piece, commemorating a medical doctor named Pastor, obviously an early Christian, who chose to be buried in Valentinus’ proximity – an inscription, whose train of thought shifts quickly, from Pastor’s diligence in his careful choice and preparation of a burial plot to the rather blunt threat of potential violators to the hope that proximity to St. Valentine’s sanctuary would rub off on his own hopes for an eternal life after death.

We cannot know about the afterlife, of course.

But St. Valentine’s glory clearly was strong enough to preserve Pastor’s name and his memory to the present day – and February 14th seems like a good day to remember him.

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Don’t Mess with Divine Horsepower

There are creatures so bizarrely beautiful and so beautifully bizarre, it seems impossible to imagine a world without them.

Unicorns. Kangaroos. Highland coos. Hedgehogs. And, of course, the seahorse. (Not to mention the fabled sea-unicorn!)

The mesmerizing, almost mythical seahorse has inspired the fantasy of poets throughout the ages.

Roman poets of the Republican and Augustan periods, like others before and after them, imagined the seahorse as an animal that was given the honour to serve the sea-gods – just like dolphins.

Thus the seahorse features in a fragment of the perplexing lyrical poet Laevius, who in his fragmentary poem Sirenocirce (Laevius, frg. 24 Bl.) allowed the sea-gods to ride –

delphine cinctis vehiculis
hippocampisque asperis

in vehicles girded with a dolphin
and rugged seahorses.

Vergil, too, elevated seahorses to divine draught horses, at Georgics 4.387 ff. (translation from here):

Est in Carpathio Neptuni gurgite vates
caeruleus Proteus, magnum qui piscibus aequor
et iuncto bipedum curru metitur equorum.
Hic nunc Emathiae portus patriamque revisit               390
Pallenen, hunc et Nymphae veneramur et ipse
grandaevus Nereus; novit namque omnia vates,
quae sint, quae fuerint, quae mox ventura trahantur;
quippe ita Neptuno visum est, immania cuius
armenta et turpes pascit sub gurgite phocas.               395

A seer, Proteus, lives in Neptune’s Carpathian waters,
who, sea-green, travels the vast ocean in a chariot
drawn by fishes and two-footed horses.
Even now he’s revisiting the harbours of Thessaly,
and his native Pallene. We nymphs venerate him,
and aged Nereus himself: since the seer knows all things,
what is, what has been, what is soon about to be:
since it’s seen by Neptune, whose monstrous sea-cows
and ugly seals he grazes in the deep.

Similarly, we find them in the poem Ciris, in the so-called Appendix Vergiliana (Ciris 391–399, transl. H. R. Fairclough):

complures illam nymphae mirantur in undis,
miratur pater Oceanus et candida Tethys
et cupidas secum rapiens Galatea sorores,
illa etiam iunctis magnum quae piscibus aequor
et glauco bipedum curru metitur equorum     395
Leucothea paruusque dea cum matre Palaemon,
illi etiam alternas sortiti uiuere luces,
cara Iouis suboles, magnum Iouis incrementum,
Tyndaridae niueos mirantur uirginis artus.

Many Nymphs marvel  at her amid the waves; father Neptune marvels, and shining Tethys, and Galatea, carrying off in her company her eager sisters. At her, too, marvels she who traverses the mighty main in her azure car, drawn by her team of fishes and
two-footed steeds, Leucothea, and little Palaemon with his goddess mother. At her, too, marvel they who live by lot alternate days, the dear offspring of Jupiter, mighty seed of a Jupiter to be, the Tyndaridae, who marvel at the maiden’s snowy limbs.

News reported that seahorses have now virtually disappeared from Studland Bay, Dorset, and the Isle of Wight, a result of excessive boat anchors and illegal moorings as well as recent decisions to formalise such arrangements.

Hopefully it’s not too late quite yet to do something about this – and to show consideration for those animals that, once upon a time, lent their mythical horsepower to the sea-gods.

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Buried Above Ground

souls_tomb

Chaim Koppelmann: The Soul’s Tomb (1959). – Image source: http://www.chaimkoppelman.net/images/criticism_big/souls_tomb.jpg.

The idea that the body is a prison-house or, more drastically still, a tomb of the soul – often shortened to the phrase soma sema – is an ancient one.

Rooted in Orphic (rather than Pythagorean) thought, it finds its first (surviving) pithy expression in a famous passage of Plato‘s dialogue Gorgias (at Plato, Gorgias 492e493a, transl. W. R. M. Lamb):

Σωκράτης
οὐκ ἄρα ὀρθῶς λέγονται οἱ μηδενὸς δεόμενοι εὐδαίμονες εἶναι.

Καλλίκλης
οἱ λίθοι γὰρ ἂν οὕτω γε καὶ οἱ νεκροὶ εὐδαιμονέστατοι εἶεν.

Σωκράτης
ἀλλὰ μὲν δὴ καὶ ὥς γε σὺ λέγεις δεινὸς ὁ βίος. οὐ γάρ τοι θαυμάζοιμ᾽ ἂν εἰ Εὐριπίδης ἀληθῆ ἐν τοῖσδε λέγει, λέγων – ‘τίς δ᾽ οἶδεν, εἰ τὸ ζῆν μέν ἐστι κατθανεῖν, τὸ κατθανεῖν δὲ ζῆν; καὶ ἡμεῖς τῷ ὄντι ἴσως τέθναμεν:’ ἤδη γάρ του ἔγωγε καὶ ἤκουσα τῶν σοφῶν ὡς νῦν ἡμεῖς τέθναμεν καὶ τὸ μὲν σῶμά ἐστιν ἡμῖν σῆμα, …

Socrates
Then it is not correct to say, as people do, that those who want nothing are happy.

Callicles
No, for at that rate stones and corpses would be extremely happy.

Socrates
Well, well, as you say, life is strange. For I tell you I should not wonder if Euripides’ words were true, when he says: ‘Who knows if to live is to be dead, and to be dead, to live?’ and we really, it may be, are dead; in fact I once heard sages say that we are now dead, and the body is our tomb

There is something deeply unsettling about these thoughts – for the obvious question has to be: if we accept this image for a moment – what is the logical consequence?

Should we attempt a prison break?

Should we try and allow the soul to rise from its grave?

How can this be achieved…?

What is this Latin inscription from Palestrina/Praeneste hinting at (EE IX 776 = ILS 8376; translation by U. Gehn, from the Eagle Eurpeana webpages)?

[Ar]lenii. | P(ublius) Aelius Apollinaris Arlenius natus die | IIII Kal(endas) Nob(embres) honeste vita moribus adque (!) | litteris educatus cum die VIII Kal(endas) Iulias | agens annum octavum decimum caelo | desideratus corporeo carcere libera|retur petit adque impetravit a Publio | [A]elio Apollinare v(igilum) p(raefecto) patre suo actore cau|sarum pr(a)eside provinciae Corsicae prae|fecto vigilibus uti fundum q(ui) a(ppellatur) (a)d duas casas | con[f]inium territorio Praenestinorum | daret ac traderet collegiis Praenesti|[nae] civitatis ea condicione ut isdem vel | [cu]ique in eorum iura corpusque successerit | [a]balienandi quocumque pacto potestas | non esset sed ex ipsius fundi fructibus con|[v]ivia bis annua diebus suprascriptis exhi|berentur et quo auctior esset eiusdem | voluntas petit a supra dicto patre suo | ut quinque milibus follium horti sibe | possessio conpararetur quae eorum | iuri adque (!) corpori cum supra dicta | condicione traderetur adque (!) ita ob {c} | causa s(upra) s(cripta) in fundum s(upra) s(criptum) et hortos conparatos | supra dicto modo pecuniae | omnes collegiati inducti sunt prop|ter quod veneficium collegiati omnes | statuam eidem togatam | in foro conlocaverunt.

[Statue of] Arlenius. Publius Aelius Apollinaris Arlenius, born on the fourth day before the Kalends of November [and] well brought up in life, behaviour and letters; since on the eighth day before the Kalends of July, in his eighteenth year, sought for in heaven that he might be freed from bodily prison, he asked and got from Publius Aelius Apollinaris, of perfectissimus rank, his father, the advocate, governor of Corsica [and] prefect of the watch, that he would give and transfer the estate called Two Houses (in the territory of Praeneste) to the guilds of the city of Praeneste, on condition that they, and whoever succeeds them in their legal body and corporation, should not have the right to alienate it by any kind of agreement, but that from the profits of that estate banquets should be given twice a year on the days written above. And so that his wish should be stronger, he sought from his above mentioned father that orchards or a property should be bought with 5,000 folles, which should be given to the legal body and corporation of them (= the guildsmen) on the [same] above mentioned condition. And thus, through the reason recorded above, in the estate mentioned above and the orchards bought in the way mentioned above, all the guildsmen have received money. Because of this benefit, all the guildsmen place a statue to him, dressed in a toga, in the forum.

Soma sema. – Image source: http://i30.photobucket.com/albums/c342/fletchertech/New%20WPs/1EyePrisonC.jpg.

The body as the prison-house of the human soul. – Image source here.

Corporeus carcer – a bodily prison, a prison that is the body.

A philosophical thought in a really awkward place? A poeticism? A religious statement, plausible evidence for the Christian faith of the deceased? One of those few, usually rather obscure, hints at suicide, recording the precise date and the deceased’s (alleged) final requests to his father?

A combination of the above?

Dark, disturbing thoughts, potentially.

The imagery that was driven to poetic extremes – in its beauty, immediacy, and gruesomeness – in a poem by William Cowper (b. 1731, d. 1800), written in Sapphic stanzas, after one of Cowper’s suicide attempts –

Lines Written During a Period of Insanity

Hatred and vengeance, my eternal portion,
Scarce can endure delay of execution,
Wait with impatient readiness to seize my
Soul in a moment.

Damned below Judas; more abhorred than he was,
Who for a few pence sold his holy Master.
Twice-betrayed Jesus me, the last delinquent,
Deems the profanest.

Man disavows, and Deity disowns me;
Hell might afford my miseries a shelter;
Therefore Hell keeps her ever-hungry mouths all
Bolted against me.

Hard lot! encompassed with a thousand dangers,
Weary, faint, trembling with a thousand terrors,
I’m called, if vanquished, to receive a sentence
Worse than Abiram’s.

Him the vindictive rod of angry Justice
Sent quick and howling to the centre headlong;
I, fed with judgement, in a fleshy tomb, am
Buried above ground.

Impotent fury, the desire to seek vengeance for what cannot – must not – be said, terrified, yet blasphemously daring heaven and hell alike.

The poem exudes an astonishing level of inward-facing, depressive anger which no longer can be contained, describing the poet’s ultimate impotence  – locked into a fleshy tomb, buried above ground.

Suppressed anger – the anger of those left behind, if not that of the deceased herself – is noticeable in an inscribed Latin poem from Pagno in the Piedmont region of north-west Italy (CIL V 7640 = CLE 783; images of surviving fragments can be found here) as well, where a variant of the soma sema motive occurs:

Caelestes animae, damnant quae crimina vitae, | terrenas metuunt labes sub iudice Crist[o], | corporeo laetae gaudent se carcere solvi. | Sic Regina potens meritis [post] vincula saecli | aeternam repetit se[dem] nil noxia morti. | Haec talamis Albine tuis ser[v]i[t]que fedelis, | virgineas casto servavit pecture tae[das], | coniugii nom[en quae de]dicnata secundi. | Haec damnum, natura, tuum, quod invida natos | non tribuis votis matris, sub mente benigna | adfectu superare volens nos iamque vocavit | Albini claro generatam sanguine prolem. | Exosum nomen, nil magnis moribus [au]f[ers]; | Nam veras be[– – –]o[– – –] pectore matri[s].

Heavenly souls, that condemn the sins of life, that fear earthly downfall under Christ the judge, that rejoice happily to be loosened from their bodily prison: thus mighty Regina through her merits, after having spent time chained up in that earthly dungeon, seeks an eternal dwelling, not owing death anything. She serves your marital chamber faithfully, Albinus, she served the virginal torches with a chaste heart, she, who despised the very idea of a second marriage. That blemish inflicted by you, Nature, that you enviously denied the mother’s prayers her children, she desired to overcome with affection supported by a benign frame of mind, and already she had called us the offspring of Albinus’ noble blood. Hateful thing, you do not take away a thing from a great character; for true … in the mothers chest.

One senses the tension that arises in this 4th/5th century poem between the Regina potens (‘mighty Regina’, literally: ‘mighty queen’) and the description of her impotence against fate: the loss of a husband (apparently) as well as her barrenness, described as a blemish, a damage (damnum) – trauma inflicted by nature itself.

For Regina, according to this poem, her sole hope while carrying the vincula saeculi, the worldly chains, was to seek consolation in a parade of affection (a frame of mind she appears to have adopted in lieu of children). This gentle, benign parade (sub mente benigna adfectus) is represented here as the deceased’s advocate, as speaker to tell of (what is characterised as) her unhappy, depressing state – a state that ultimately made her happily join the heavenly souls that rejoice … to be loosened from their bodily prison (corporeo laetae gaudent se carcere solvi).

So does this powerful image – an image that has inspired many and helped them to conceptualise and to express their feeling locked in, locked away, in powerless fury and anger – advocate one’s taking that next, final step as a logical consequence?

Should we attempt a prison break?

Should we try and allow the soul to rise from its grave?

A much discussed epigraphic poem from Spoleto/Spoletium may offer an insightful alternative – an alternative to live for, while life lasts (CIL XI 4980 cf. p. 1376 = CLE 1858 = ILCV 4813 = ICI VI 62, cf. ICUR II 4220):

ICI62

ICI VI 62 (where this image has been published).

Quid fatis liceat, quid saecula cuncta reposcant, | hoc mors sola docet quae sua lege venit. | ni(hi)l sub vita diu breve fit quod morte tenetur, | sed qui viget meritis non habet ille finem. | carceris humani sors est quae claustra resolvit | nec retinet animam dum sua luce vivit. | moribus hic constans, magis pietate severus | iustitiae cultor, nobilitate probus. | felix posteritas servat quod vita paravit, | his semper votis vincitur exitium. | hic ni(hi)l mors adimes, corpus servate sepulcra, | non tegitur quicquid posteritate viget. | qui vix(it) an(nos) | XLIIII m(enses) X.

What the Fates may do, to reclaim everything in this world – this is what death alone teaches us, which comes on its own terms. Nothing that is short in life gets to last longer, if it is subject to death, but he who thrives in merit, will not meet such an end. It is the destiny that pull back the bolts of the human prison, and it cannot retain the soul for as long as it lives in its light. Stalwart in character, stern in his dutifulness in particular, a promoter of justice, upright in his nobility. Gladly posterity preserves what life has created, death will always be overcome by such prayers. Death, you will take nothing away from here. Tombs, watch over the body. Whatever will flourish in posterity, remains in the open. He lived 44 years and 10 months.

Destiny – sors (literally: ‘lot’) – is the gate-keeper, operating the sliding bolts of that door.

While the body may be the soul’s prison-house and while death puts an end to everything that is short-lived anyway, there are things worth living for – things that are not buried above ground, but that get to enjoy safety while lying in the open: non tegitur quicquid posteritate viget (‘whatever will flourish in posterity, remains in the open’).

What remains, are one’s merita, one’s meritorious achievements – the ideals one stands for, ideals and practical deeds that help to balance out whatever may have given reason for anger, hatred, and hopelessness.

These merita are, or so the poem suggests, exempt from the terms and conditions imposed even by death, allowing us to wait for destiny to do its work and not skip forward, straight to an untimely end.

It may require a lot of strength, will-power, determination, and unquestioning support.

The reward, however, according to this poem, could be a joyous legacy of a kind that only a death-defying, lived life may achieve.

Posted in Carmina Epigraphica, Epigraphy, Poetry | Tagged , , , , , , , , | 1 Comment

Meet the gloomiest Romans of all time

Last week, I introduced a (very small) choice of inscriptions that presented a variety of ways in which heartbroken parents had begun to come to terms with the loss of their offspring.

An inscription that I chose not to include presents the parents’ emotional distress not in simple, absolute terms, but boldly asserts maximum gloom.

The text of that inscription, an elegiac distich, attested for Capua, reads as follows (Atti Ac. Linc. 1901, p. 183 no. 365):

Sylviniae Velleiae | filiol(a)e dulciss(imae) | parentes m(a)estiss(imi). | decipimur votis | et tempore | fallimur et mors | deridet curas: | anxia vita nihil.

For Sylvinia Velleia, our sweetest little daughter: her most gloomy parents. We are deceived by our prayers, fooled by time, and death laughs at our sorrows: an anxious life is (worth) nothing.

The poem expresses the parents’ hopelessness in a sobering, quasi-philosophical manner – parents, who describe both themselves and their daughter in superlatives: Sylvinia Velleia was dulcissima (‘the sweetest’), they themselves, by contrast, maestissimi (‘most gloomy’).

I had briefly considered including this piece in last week’s collection, just for the moving poem and the sense of powerlessness and insignificance that it manages to convey. But then it struck me: while the daughter’s epithet dulcissima seemed topical and perfectly common in this context, the superlative maestissimi – most gloomy – stood out.

Bereavement can be a terrible shock, and the feeling of gloom and sorrow of Sylvinia’s bereft parents is nothing but understandable, especially if we are to assume, as the text implies, that Sylvinia Velleia died very young (note the diminutive filiola, ‘little daughter’).

But when exactly had gloom become an area of competition?

Grammar buffs are likely to object: there is no need to assume maximum gloom! Maestissimi need not be a relative superlative (‘most gloomy’), for it may ‘just’ be an absolute superlative (‘extremely gloomy’).

Also, this is poetry – so let’s not take every instance of the superlative, relative or absolute, quite so literally…

Fair enough.

Or so it would seem … although one might object already at this point that dulcissima hardly appears like an absolute superlative (‘sweetest’ rather than ‘extremely sweet’, surely!) and that maestissimi therefore, by proxy, does not attract this interpretation easily, either.

Be that as it may, none of this renders the original question invalid: just how frequently did Romans, in their inscriptions, feel the need to express such extremes of gloom? And in what contexts?

Time to look a bit deeper into the instances for maestissimus!

A first, perhaps rather surprising, observation to make is this: the aforementioned Capuan inscription is even more problematic than it would seem at first. There are records of an inscription whose text looks surprisingly similar, but attest the inscription’s whereabouts for the city of Rome (ably discussed by Heikki Solin here [on pp. 144 ff.]):

Paulinae Valeriae filiolae dulcissimae parentes
mestissimi.
Decipimur votis et tempore fallimur et mors
deridet curas, anxia vita nihil.
Vix(it) ann(is) VI.

A different name (though not irreconcilably different, when considering how those names would have been written and transmitted in manuscripts), and an indication of age (vix(it) ann(is) VI, ‘she lived six years) that occasionally was dropped in the manuscript tradition. Are we looking at a variant of the same text after all? And is this even genuine, or are we looking at a forgery?

Hard to tell. Hard to decide.

A second, hardly less surprising, observation to make is this: while the idea that maestissimus (both with regard to the lexical term and the superlative) are poetical is appealing at first, one must note that this view, in fact, is not quite correct.

Only about half of all instances for maestissimus appear in poetic inscriptions, and even in the first example, above, the phrase maestissimi does not, in fact, feature in the poetic part of the inscription itself (which commences with decipimur).

In addition to that, consider the following two cases that have maestissimus in plain prose:

  • CIL X 2321 (from Pozzuoli/Puteoli) – an inscription for Cominia Anicia, who died aged 12, and who, like Sylvinia Velleia, has been described as filia dulcissima by her parentes maestissimi.
  • CIL IX 5549 (from Urbisaglia/Urbs Salvia) – an inscription for Tiberius Iulius Telesphorus, who died aged ten, honoured by his mother Iulia who is described as moestissi(ma).

Two further prose inscriptions are recorded as having the superlative maestissimus, but must be kept separate from the ancient evidence, as they are apparent forgeries:

  • CIL VI 3191* = AE 2009.12 (from Rome)
  • CIL XIII 324* (from Paris)

This then leaves three poetic examples for maestissimus – spot the odd one out:

  • CIL VI 17622 cf. p. 3521 = CLE 1216 (Rome) – Epitaph for Fabia Pyrallis, who died of a broken heart

D(is) M(anibus). | Fabiae Pyrallidi optimae | et sanctae patron(ae) | de se bene merit(ae) | Artemisius libertus. | cunctorum haec suboli sedem | post morte(m) reliquit, ante | tamen nato, coniuge (!) et ante suo. | nondum secura dum flet maes|tissima mente, occidit et | tristes decepit maesta fovendo. | set nos soliciti memoresque | parentis amore matrem | cum nato coniuge cumque suo | securos colimus memores de | nomine nostro, et faciet | suboles multos memorata per annos | sacra deis patribusque suis, | memoresq(ue) priorum et memo|res nostri nostrorumq(ue) alta | propago aeterno servent | semper memorabile nomen. | quisquis es{t} aut olim nostra de | stirpe futurus, sis memor | antiqui nominis et tituli, in | quorum titulo hic datur esse | locus, et domus aeternae | tu tueare focos.

To the spirits of the departed. For Fabia Pyrallis, best and blessed patroness of outstanding merit: Artemisius, freedman. She left this place to everyone’s offspring after death, and earlier to the boy already, and to her husband earlier, too. When, with no peace of mind yet, she cried most gloomily, she died and, fostering sad thoughts, she deceived her sad relatives. But we, her parents, upset and commemorating, nurture in love this mother with her child and her husband, finding peace of mind, mindful of our name, and plentiful offspring will make commemorative sacrifices over the years to the gods and their parents, mindful of their ancestors, and, mindful of us and ours, our esteemed descendants will serve our memorable name forever and ever. Whoever you are, or whoever of our family you, in times to come, will be, remember the ancient name and the inscription, through whose inscription this place has been granted, and look after the hearth fires of this eternal home.

  • CIL  IX 3071 = CLE 1212 (cf. p. 858) = AE 1984.350 = AE 2003.564 (from San Valentino in Abruzzo Citeriore/Interpromium) – Epitaph for Naiamira

Siste gradum, quaeso, sine te levet umbra tenacem, | hospes, iter durum est: quid teris usque viae? | audi pauca, moram facient mea dicta labores (!), | sed memor haec imo pectore conde tuo. | crudeles divi, Sthygias (!) quicumque paludes | incolitis nulli qua datur ire retro, | quid vos immatura iuvat, quae vestra futurast / post modo consumpto tempore, turba, tuo (!)? | fletibus adsiduis luget maestissima mater | quae prior occidere quam Naiamira dari eigni | debuit, ut superi pia fata tulissent, | et pater hoc titulo debuit ante legi. | his ergo mea dicta refer: desistat humatam | ulterius lachrumis sollicitasse suis; | sum defleta satis, finem decet esse dolori; | quid semel occubui, nulla querella iuvat.

Hold your step, I ask, let the shade give you some ease, steadfast stranger: your journey is hard, why wear yourself down all the way? Listen a little, my words will give you a break from your stress, but bury these words deep down in your heart. You cruel divine spirits, who inhabit the Stygian swamps, from where no one is permitted to return, why do you derive pleasure from the immature crowds, which will be yours anyway, only after their time is up? Her most gloomy mother grieves, constantly in tears, who should have died before Naiamira had to be handed over to the fire – had those gods above accepted our dutiful vows!, and of the father, too, one should have read in this inscription before! To them deliver my words: may they cease to upset their buried child any further with their tears; I have been wept for enough, there has to be an end to their pain; once I have sunk into my grave, no lament can please.

  • Recueil des Inscriptions Chrétiennes de la Gaule 15.99 (from Vienne/Vienna in Gallia Narbonensis) – Epitaph for Bishop Namatius of Vienne

[Text and translation taken from Paul A. Reynolds’s thesis ‘A comparative and statistical survey of the late antique and early medieval Latin inscriptions of south eastern Gaul (c. 300–750 AD’ (University of Leicester), which can be found here.]

Humanos quicumque tremens sub pectore casus
Ingemis et lustras oculo manante sepulchra
Atque dolens nimio tecum merore uolutas,
Quod cunctos mors saeua uoret, quod sepiat umbra
Perpetue Laetis nullum solutura per aeuum:     5
Huc uultus conuerte tuos, huc lumina flecte
Et cape solamen posito mestissime fletu,
Aeternum quia uiuit homo si iusta sequatur,
Si teneat Xpique libens praecepta facessat,
Vt tenuit tumulo positus Namatius isto.     10
Qui cum iura daret commissis urbibus amplis,
Adiuncta pietate modis iustissima sanxit,
Patricius, praesul patriae rectorque uocatus.
Hinc spraetis opibus titulis mundique reiectis,
Aeterno sese placuit submittere regi     15
Et parere Dei mandatis omnibus aptus.
Sic postquam meritis seruata et lege superna
Maxima pontificis suscepit munera dignus,
Quin etiam sumpto mercedes addet honore:
Pauper laetus abit, nudus discedit opertus,     20
Captiuus plaudit liber sese esse redemptum
Ciuis agit grates tantoque antistite gaudet.
Inter se aduersos inlata pace repressit,
Perfugium miseris erat et tutela benignis
Nobilis eloquiis et stemmate nobilis alto,     25
Nobilior meritis et uitae clarior actu,
Viuat ut aeternum et Xpi gratetur amore.
Huius si queras aeuum finemque salutis,
Septies hie denos et tres conpleuera<n>t annos
Post fasces posuit uel cingula Symmacus alma     30
Iunior, et quintus decimus cum surgerit orbis
Ad summos animam caelos emisit opimam
Corpus humi mandans terrae terrena reliquit.

Whosoever mourns the fate of man with fear in their heart, who tearfully looks upon this sepulchre, and, full of grief, reflect bitterly that cruel death comes to swallow us all, and that once covered by the shadow of death it shall remain so for all time: turn your gaze in this direction, let your eyes fall here and, having laid aside your bitter tears, take comfort. For a man lives eternally if he follows the path of justice, if he holds onto and willingly follows the precepts of Christ, as did Namatius, laid in this tomb. He dispensed justice throughout the important towns under his authority with piety and moderation, and was called patrician, leader and protector of his country. Then, having spurned wealth and worldly titles, it pleased him to put himself under the command of the Eternal King and to obey all the commandments of God, for which he was well prepared. Thus, once he had reached the position of bishop, which is bestowed on those deemed worthy by their deeds and divine grace, he added works of mercy to the honour he had already received. The poor went away happy, the naked departed clothed, the freed captive rejoiced at his redemption and the citizen gave thanks and exulted in having such an archbishop. He checked the quarrels of antagonists by bringing peace, and provided a refuge for the wretched and a protection for the good. Ennobled in the first instance by his eloquence and high birth, yet becoming more so through his deeds and more famous by the path his life followed, may he live eternally and rejoice in the love of Christ. If you wish to know the age and the end of the man here commemorated, he had lived for 73 years since Symmachus iunior had laid aside the fasces and exhalted girdle. When the 15th dawn arose, he lifted up his noble soul to heaven above, commending his body to the ground: it is to the earth that he has left his mortal remains.

It is nothing but striking how in this text, dating to the mid sixth century, the superlative phrase maestissimus (whether relative or absolute in use) that was previously solely encountered in contexts in which parents mourned their pre-deceased children, all of a sudden appears applied to a man of the clergy, and how the role of the parents, excessively mourning their children, has been reassigned to the parish mourning their spiritual leader to similar excess.

More striking still, however, is the sentiment of that penultimate example from Interpromium, advising the wayfarer to look for the deceased’s parents and to tell them that there have been enough tears already – I have been wept for enough, there has to be an end to their pain; once I have sunk into my grave, no lament can please.

Posted in Carmina Epigraphica, Epigraphy, Poetry | Tagged , , , , , | Comments Off on Meet the gloomiest Romans of all time

Coping with the Death of a Child

A friend of mine had an extraordinary, deeply unsettling experience this week.

Käthe Kollwitz, Mother with dead child. – Image source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/a/ab/Kollwitz.jpg.

Käthe Kollwitz, Mother with dead child. – Image source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/a/ab/Kollwitz.jpg.

She had lunch with a co-worker and her daughter, a young lady in her 30s, who was visiting her mother for some quality time.

When, the following day, my friend was waiting for her colleague to turn up at work, she didn’t – as her daughter, who seemed to be a picture of health the day before, had passed away that night.

We chatted a bit about what it was, in particular, that hit her so much about these horrendous news.

It turned out that, what upset her perhaps most of all, was the thought of a parent having to bury her own child.

Is it possible to get over this?

I don’t know.

I hope I’ll never have to find out myself.

In fact, I dread this thought probably more than anything else in my life: it is the sort of stuff that nightmares are made of.

But, of course, it is a common theme in the material that I am working on at the moment, the Carmina Latina Epigraphica.

I would like to share just a very small selection of these texts here with my friend as well as with my readership.

I wish to do this respectfully and in a pensive mood.

It may be useful to read these texts even today.

To learn how others managed (or tried) to cope with such a traumatic experience.

To remind ourselves that those stories that one so easily reads about in ancient texts, even after almost 2,000 years, have not lost anything of their dramatic immediacy and relevance.

CIL VI 16059 = CLE 175 (Rome)

CIL VI 16059. – Image source: http://db.edcs.eu/epigr/bilder.php?bild=$CIL_06_16059_1.jpg;$CIL_06_16059_2.jpg;PH0005680;PH0005681;$CIL_06_16059.jpg&nr=2.

CIL VI 16059. – Image source.

Dis Manibus | sacrum. | Communi .| vixit annis II m(ensibus) V. | Zosimos. | vixit anno I m(ensibus) III. | Soterichus et Tyche | parentes. | quod facere nati | parentibus debuerant | suis mors immatura | fecit ut fili(i)s | facerent parentes.

Sacred to the spirits of the departed. For Communis, who lived two years, five months. To Zosimus, who lived one year, three months. Soterichus and Tyche, their parents. What the sons should have had to do for their parents, an untimely death forced the parents to do for their children.

CIL XII 218 = CLE 466 (Antibes/Antipolis, Gallia Narbonensis)

CIL XII 218. – Image source: http://db.edcs.eu/epigr/bilder.php?bild=$ILN-02-A_00085.jpg.

CIL XII 218. – Image source.

D(is) M(anibus). | respice praeteriens oro titulumq(ue). | dolebis quam praemature nimi|um sim mortis adeptus. triginta an|norum rapta est mihi lux gratissi|ma vitae, et de gente mea solus sine | parvolo vixi, quem mater miserum | flevit quod pietatis honore relicta | est. Q(uinto) Luccunio Vero | Raielia Secundina mater | filio piissimo fecit.

To the spirits of the departed. As you pass by, I ask you, pay attention to this inscription: it will pain you to learn just how very prematurely I reached death. Aged thirty, that most welcome light of life was snatched away from me. And from my family I alone lived, without a little boy – my mother cried for me, wretched me, as she was abandoned by the honour that is filial duty. For Quintus Luccunius Verus. Raielia Secundina, the mother, had this made for her most dutiful son.

AE 1989.247 (Sulmo/Sulmona)

AE 1989.246. Image source: http://db.edcs.eu/epigr/bilder.php?bild=PH0001504;PH0001505;PH0001506;PH0001507;PH0001508&nr=3.

AE 1989.247. Image source.

C[- – – M]urranus et Decri[a] | Se[- – – S]ecundae l(iberta) Melusa sibi et [suis]. | sal[ve v]iator qui istac iter facis, | salvo tuo corpore consiste et lege: | iniquitate Orchi qui perperavit saecula | quod debuerant facere filii patri et | matri fecerunt miseri{s} pater et mater | fili(i)s dulcissimis suis, quoniam non | potuerunt exsorare deos ut [- – -] | suis, neque ipsi retinere potuerunt, neque | etiam restituere. hoc quod [p]o[t]u[erunt] | nomina suorum restituerunt ad superos | Primigeni Severi Pudentis Casti Lucillae et | Potestatis et miseris derelictis [a fi]li(i)s | quoniam sperabant se citius [- – -] suos, | vivis nomina eodem adiecerunt dum | malo fati nati et iniqua fortuna | qui non potuerunt antecedere suos | neque etiam persequi tam cito quam | ipsi cupiunt. at nunc miseris desertis | a natis nostris rogamus deos superos | atque inferos ut liceat nepotulum | nostrum Thiasum qui est nobis derelictus | ex Pudente filio inmaturus qua[lis] scintilla | quae de igne exierit, memoria nostrorum, | exsuperet nos: vivat valeat sint illi quae | ipse expetet. et nunc te rogamus nepotule | noster per tuorum maiorum misericor|diam ut tu pietati servias et hoc sephul|crum tuorum tutaris et | si qui(s) te roga(ve)rit qui hoc comporta(ve)rit | dicito avus meus Murranus, nam ipsa | miseria docet etiam barbaros scribere | misericordias. et nunc rogo vos omn|es natos nascentesque ut si quid la(p)sus | me praeterit hominem barbarum natu | Pannunium multis ulceri(bu)s et malis | perturbatum ignoscatis. rogo at nu[nc] | inprecamus deos ut si quis hoc sephulcr[um] | aut hunc titulum laeserit in[tulerit illi?] | fortuna mala et quod mer[itu]m sit [hunc] | titulumque quicumque legerit aut lege[ntem] | ausculta(ve)rit allevet illos for[tuna] | superior et valeant semper [in aeterno?] | quicumque in hoc titulo scrip[ta legerit] | quietis sit vobis terra levis et [- – -] | desperatum qui superant [- – -] | tempore obito sit [- – -].

Gaius (?) … Murranus and Decria Se … Melusa, freedwoman of Secunda, for themselves and theirs.

Greetings, wayfarer, making your way around here, free from physical afflictions, pause for a moment and read this: through the injustice of Orcus, who ruined generations, father and mother had to do for their wretched, sweetest children what had been the children’s duty towards their father and mother, for they could not persuade the gods to (save them for) them, nor could they retain them themselves, nor bring them back.

What they could do is, to restore the names of theirs to the Celestials, the names of Primigenius, Severus, Pudens, Castus, Lucilla, and Potestas. Those wretched, abandoned by their offspring, since they had hoped to [die?] sooner [than?] their children, added their names in the same place, still alive, while, born under ill fate and unjust fortune, unable to leave before their offspring, now cannot even follow them themselves as quickly as they were hoping to.

But now, we, wretched, abandoned by our children, ask the gods above and below to permit our little grandson, Thiasus, who is left to us, by our son Pudens, of immature age, like a spark that jumps from a fire, heir of our line, to outlive us: may he live, be strong, may he have whatever he himself desires. And now we ask you, our little grandson, to serve filial duty and to look after the tomb of your ancestors, and, if someone asks you who is contained in here, you shall tell: it is Murranus, my grandfather, for misery teaches even barbarians compassion.

And now I ask you all, born in the past or more recently, if there some mistake or other escaped me, a barbarian man, Pannonian by birth, hurt by many a wound and evil, to forgive me. I ask: let us implore the gods that, if anyone damages this tomb or this inscription, they may thrust ill fate on such a person and whatever else is deserved; but whoever reads this inscription or listens to someone reading it out, may a more desirable fate comfort them and may they flourish forever and ever (?): whoever reads what is written in this inscription, may you find piece and may earth be light on you … [the remainder of the text is too fragmentary for it to amount to coherent text].

Posted in Carmina Epigraphica, Epigraphy, Poetry | Tagged , , , | 1 Comment

Immerging into a Layered Past

The number of texts that have survived from Graeco-Roman antiquity is finite, but impossible to quantify: an unknown number of texts are still hiding somewhere, and thus every day on which a new text – or part thereof – becomes known to us (again), attracts major attention in the academic community.

Sometimes, when either the author of the text is suggesting a sensational headline or the method that has been employed to extract the text from its previous hiding place is spectacular, the news breaks well beyond the confines of academia.

Today is one of those days, with reports about the spectacular (and successful) means by which text from a carbonised scroll from Herculaneum‘s notorious Villa dei Papiri has been extracted.

A good day (except, maybe, for those twisted minds among us who think that it would be nice to get a break from that darn Philodemus for a change – and find something just a little bit more thrilling: de gustibus and such).

To me, apart from my professional excitement over an ever-expanding body of knowledge, there are two elements to two of the most recent announcements – the Sappho papyrus (and its somewhat peculiar history of discovery and publication, which has received a lot of attention and critical coverage) and the Herculanean Philodemus – that are particularly remarkable: (i) the texts’ original state of preservation in a layered format, resulting in the need to unwrap, unfold, and extract them, one way or another, for the text itself to be accessed, and (ii) the element of wildly determined treasure hunting that comes with their history of discovery.

Both elements are revealing with regard to our own culture’s (and our own profession’s) relationship to, and respect for, texts as immaterial goods, to works of art, and to the various manifestations of ancient material culture.

At the same time, both elements also carry great narrative and metaphorical potential – a potential that was already seen in the ancient world, and substantially explored and exploited in two short texts that introduce one of the most bewildering ancient texts that have had the good fortune to survive antiquity: Dictys CretensisJournal of the Trojan War (Ephemeris Belli Troiani), a text that was particularly influential in the Middle Ages.

A reader approaching this remarkable text in its extant Latin version, gets to encounter it in two steps before getting to read the actual work: first, the reader is presented with a letter that purports to have been written by one Lucius Septimius to one Quintus Aradius Rufinus (translation taken from here):

Lucius Septimius sends greetings to Quintus Aradius Rufinus.

Dictys of Crete originally wrote his Journal of the Trojan War in the Phoenician alphabet, which Cadmus and Agenor had spread throughout Greece. Dictys had served in the War with Idomeneus.

After many centuries the tomb of Dictys at Cnossos (formerly the seat of the Cretan king) collapsed with age. Then shepherds, wandering near the ruins, stumbled upon a little box skilfully enclosed in tin. Thinking it was treasure, they soon broke it open, but brought to light, instead of gold or some other kind of wealth, books written on linden tablets. Their hopes thus frustrated, they took their find to Praxis, the owner of that place. Praxis had the books transliterated into the Attic alphabet (the language was Greek) and presented them to the Roman Emperor Nero. Nero rewarded him richly.

When these little books had by chance come into my hands, I, as a student of true history, was seized with the desire of making a free translation into Latin; I felt I had no special talent but wanted only to occupy my leisure time. I have preserved without abridgment the first five volumes which deal with the happenings of the War, but have reduced into one volume the others which are concerned with the Return of the Greeks. Thus, my Rufinus, I have sent them to you. Favor my work as it deserves, and in reading Dictys . . .

Treasure hunting, encountering an illegible script, decipherment, scholarly activity (already then classed as ‘spare time’ rather than ‘work’…), and ample reward – all the elements are there!

Matters get even more entertaining (and mysterious) in the second step, in a text that suggests to be the prologue to the work, which repeats multiple items of information that were already in the letter, adding a bit of further detail, mystery, failure to see the true value hidden behind a secret script and much more:

Dictys, a native of Crete from the city of Cnossos and a contemporary of the Atridae, knew the Phoenician language and alphabet, which Cadmus brought to Achaea. He accompanied the leaders Idomeneus and Meriones with the army that went against Troy. (Idomeneus and Meriones were the sons of Deucalion and Molus respectively.) They chose him to write down a history of this campaign. Accordingly, writing on linden tablets and using the Phoenician alphabet, he composed nine volumes about the whole war.

Time passed. In the thirteenth year of Nero’s reign an earthquake struck at Cnossos and, in the course of its devastation, laid open the tomb of Dictys in such a way that people, as they passed, could see the little box. And so shepherds who had seen it as they passed stole it from the tomb, thinking it was treasure. But when they opened it and found the linden tablets inscribed with characters unknown to them, they took this find to their master. Their master, whose name was Eupraxides, recognized the characters, and presented the books to Rutilius Rufus, who was at that time governor of the island. Since Rufus, when the books had been presented to him, thought they contained certain mysteries, he, along with Eupraxides himself, carried them to Nero.

Nero, having received the tablets and having noticed that they were written in the Phoenician alphabet, ordered his Phoenician philologists to come and decipher whatever was written. When this had been done, since he realized that these were the records of an ancient man who had been at Troy, he had them translated into Greek; thus a more accurate text of the Trojan War was made known to all. Then he bestowed gifts and Roman citizenship upon Eupraxides, and sent him home.

The Greek Library, according to Nero’s command, acquired this history that Dictys had written, the contents of which the following text sets forth in order.

Repetition of the exact same information regarding the discovery is a neat move, of course, designed to increase credence and trust in the validity of the narrative – whether to be taken as a historical report, or a narrative device to shape the readers’ approach.

Many have called for consistency in more recent discovery narratives, assuming that there must be ‘true stories’ to be told about provenance.

As papyrus fragments were found that preserve Dictys’ text (or rather, parts thereof) in Greek, there is no reasonable doubt over the existence of a Greek version of Dictys’ Journal – alas, they post-date the alleged discovery narrative of the Neronian age in the Latin by at least one hundred years.

And that is not all.

The second text, logically predating the first one, is rather specific that the original find was not even written in Greek, but in Phoenician, written in Phoenician letters – the Greek version is secondary (thanks to [Eu-]Praxi[de]s – or the people tasked by Nero to transcribe and translate…? …and what about the claim in the letter that the originally discovered text was, in fact, in Greek?), the Latin version even tertiary (thanks to Septimius).

Or so the text would like to make us believe.

But does it matter?

Aren’t we looking, with an analytical eye, at texts that systematically draw us into a narrative that pretends to be accurate, but is no less messing with the audience’s sense for realism as any other?

Will we ever assign any actual authority to what Dictys has to say?

Or will we take it for what it is (most likely, anyway): an entertaining piece of writing, concocting a fabulous story, a story that had to be unwrapped, and that gets to be unfolded again by its readers from an introductory narrative of mystery, adventure, discovery, and surprise.

Academics – archaeologists and classicists alike – need to be concerned, for hugely important reasons, with the material nature of their finds, whether they carry text or not – there is a duty to preserve, to document, and to comment on the legality in which lettered objects have emerged.

Today’s news is a major breakthrough for non-invasive philology and responsible classical scholarship – or so I hope.

But one must not underestimate the narrative and metaphorical potential in stories that report the discovery of texts – of words that can manifest themselves in many different ways and in many different media.

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Killing Jokes and Suicide Jests

Caricature of one Rufus. Rufus allegedly got so upset that he unleashed the hellfire of Vesuvius upon his fellow Pompeians. – Image source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/8/8d/9226%28Rufus_est%29.jpg/512px-9226%28Rufus_est%29.jpg

Caricature of one Rufus, affectionately nicknamed Mistermaguus by his close friends. Rufus allegedly got so upset that he in his limitless rage unleashed the hellfire of Vesuvius against his fellow Pompeians. Or maybe he didn’t. – Image source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/8/8d/9226%28Rufus_est%29.jpg/512px-9226%28Rufus_est%29.jpg

There are two essential rules for anyone who wants to crack a joke: timing, timing, timing – and be mindful of your audience.

Aelius Lamia, who had his first wife, Domitia Longina, pinched by Domitian, had to learn that lesson the hard way, when he (according to Suetonius’ Life of Domitian) lampooned Rome’s emperor (10.2):

Complures senatores, in iis aliquot consulares, interemit; ex quibus … Aelium Lamiam ob suspiciosos quidem, uerum et ueteres et innoxios iocos, quod post abductam uxorem laudanti uocem suam ‘eutacto’ dixerat quodque Tito hortanti se ad alterum matrimonium responderat: μὴ καὶ σὺ γαμῆσαι θέλεις;

He had many senatores put to death, among which a number of men of consular rank; these included … Aelius Lamia, for admittedly suspect, but in fact rather old and harmless jokes: when, after his wife had been pinched, someone praised his voice, he had responded ‘that’s what abstinence does for you’; and when Titus urged him to marry again, he had responded ‘Don’t tell me you wish to marry also’.

Fairly harmless jokes indeed (and slightly better than what one might expect from a guy called Lame-ia) – but poor timing and little understanding of the audience and the dynamics of audience responses at the time.

But should he not have made the joke in the first place? Was he not entitled to do so – after all, smiling is the best way to show teeth…?

Equally poor judgement was applied by one Sextius Paconianus (an apparently rather unpleasant man who supported the conspiracy of Sejanus) who according to TacitusAnnales took on Rome’s emperor while already imprisoned (Tac. Ann. 6.39.1):

Nec dispares Trebelleni Rufi et Sextii Paconiani exitus: nam Trebellenus sua manu cecidit, Paconianus in carcere ob carmina illic in principem factitata strangulatus est.

The deaths of Trebellenus Rufus and Sextius Paconianus show certain similarities: for Trebellenus fell by his own hand, Paconianus, imprisoned, was strangled to death for poems he repeatedly produced there against the emperor.

In 1919, the German satirist Kurt Tucholsky, under his pen name of Ignaz Wrobel, published an utterly brilliant piece, asking: what may satire do (for those who read German, here is the original text: Was darf die Satire)?

Tucholsky’s answer is as simple as it gets:

What may satire do?

Everything.

Many of the things said by Tucholsky in his piece, almost one hundred years ago, are still highly topical.

Not only are the Germans still notoriously humourless (trust me, I am German, so I happen to know it for certain – even living in Britain for almost ten years cannot cure this predicament!): also, many a statement made by Tucholsky, mutatis mutandis, captures a common perception of responses to caricatures and similar forms of humorous irreverence directed at highly charged elements and symbols of the Muslim faith (whether they were made in good taste or not).

On 7 January 2015, gunmen shot dead twelve people and injured several more in the Charlie Hebdo HQ in Paris. Charlie Hebdo is a satirical newspaper, which was one of several European satirical magazines that decided to print caricatures of Mohammed, resulting in widespread controversy – not only for this magazine, but more commonly.

Sadness and outrage prevail in the Western world over the assault, which has quickly been labelled an ‘apparent militant Islamist attack‘, in a predictable response, falling for the convenient rhetoric of the attackers as well as that of current anti-Islamic movements.

I prefer to call it what it really was: a ruthless and horrendous assassination carried out by a bunch of brainwashed (or plain insane) psychopaths who, following a common plot, apparently seek motivation for their criminal and despicable actions in a false interpretation of religious texts and the words of those who preach hatred.

Regrettably, it may be a device to radicalise people who previously had no interest whatsoever in conflict.

In that regard, it is beautifully wholesome to see the ways in which creative responses have emerged as well – responses that reflect on, and try to come to terms with, what is a heinous crime, full stop.

Less dramatic, but pertaining to the same category is the absurd story revolving around the release of a (perfectly idiotic) satirical film called The Interview:

Thus far, no North Koreans were reported to have stormed any U.S. cinemas and opened fire there (touch wood!); instead, the fight was carried out in the virtual world and computers were hacked.

It feels good (seemingly) to take the high road – to be able to claim that ‘our’ responses to lampooning, to satire, to caricature are non-violent.

Often they are – but neither are they always non-violent, nor have they been non-violent from a historical perspective.

What may satire do?

Everything.

Of course, it does not have to do everything, all the time, just for the sake of it, as even Tucholsky admits in his own piece: ‘[w]e certainly should not imitate the worst of the French war caricatures’.

Yet:

‘Does satire exaggerate? Satire has to exaggerate and is, in its deepest nature, unjust. It inflates the truth to make it clearer, and it can do nothing more than work according to the bible verse: the just will suffer with the unjust.’

And:

‘True satire cleanses the blood: and whosoever has healthy blood, has also a pure complexion.’

For that, however, one must be certain that wholesomeness is what drives satire – not just a mere desire to bully with words, for the fun of it.

A grave obligation on the satirist indeed.

Yet, no one should, like in Roman times, have to fear for their lives for cracking a joke:

‘There isn’t a proper man or a proper class that cannot stand a fair shove. He might defend himself by the same means, he might strike back – but he should not turn away injured, outraged, offended. A cleaner wind would blow through our public life, would they all not take it badly.’

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Happy New Year, Roman Style: Time to Get Baking!

I am working, rather dilatorily, on a substantial paper on ‘fringe epigraphy’– inscriptions at the margins of what epigraphists tend to be interested in.

This paper matters a great deal to me, for I believe that the Romans inhabited a fundamentally lettered world. I believe that, in order to appreciate the role of reading and writing in the Roman world, we must look at everyday objects which bear letters on them rather than (just) literature and objects of monumental decoration.

But this is not the time for any such serious business. We are in the festive season, after all!

So let’s have something rather more lighthearted instead…

As I was compiling the evidence for Roman ‘fringe epigraphy’, I have been setting aside a great trouvaille for this blog post – a blog post to celebrate the impending New Year.

And now it is high time to share this remarkable object with my readership.

Here it is:

As the writing in the negative gives away immediately, this object is an inscription that is designed to multiply its message, i. e. a stamp or stencil.

The stamp’s inscription, enclosed in a tabula ansata (the iconic ‘winged tablet’ of the Romans), reads as follows (CIL III 6287):

Accipio | annu(m) | novu(m) | felice(m).

I receive a happy new year.

What makes it so interesting to me, then, is this: the object has been described as a stamp for baked goods – so, like other scholars, I would like to think of it as a stamp for cookies or biscuits of sorts (which may or may pertain to a religious cult of sorts).

The inscribed message itself has been found in several dozens of other Latin inscriptions (though not on any surviving biscuits, sadly!) – it is a rather common wish, often inscribed on clay lamps and money boxes (Rome’s precursor of the piggy bank).

Here is but one example for the same kind of inscription on a clay lamp from Sepino (cf. A. Di Niro, Il museo sannitico di Campobasso. Catalogo della collezione provinciale, Pescara 2007, 162):

It is inscribed as follows:

Annum | novum | faustum | felicem | mihi.

Happy, Auspicious New Year to me!

One could go to great lengths to discuss the ways in which people in the Roman empire celebrated the new year (like Mary Beard does in this hugely entertaining little clip).

On the basis of the material evidence, one would soon notice to what extent the Roman notion of a ‘happy new year’ was, in fact, a fundamentally materialist one (did you spot the coins and ears of grain on the lamp?), and how much that notion depended on prosperity and security, financial and otherwise.

But what really fascinates me about the biscuit stamp is something else.

It is the idea that the Romans produced inscribed, lettered objects that were meant to be ingested – objects that wished them a prosperous, happy new year.

The reason why this resonates with me so much, I suppose, is that our language is full of verbal images that relate notions of food and eating with that of intellectual engagement with texts: we eat words, devour books, digest what we have read (or just go for the reader’s digest if we found the real thing too hard to swallow), and then praise wholesome, nourishing reads.

Of course, we don’t think this digestive process through all the time.

Otherwise we might have to ask: is it really a good idea to munch on, and to chew up, objects that are essentially good-luck wishes, only so that they could travel through our intestines towards their final destination?

Probably not.

But is this thought just superstitious nonsense? (To be fair, it probably is. But surely I’m not the only one out there who has a hard time chomping off the head of animals or other figures made of chocolate or marzipan…? It may be silly and superstitious, but that doesn’t mean that it’s not a powerful concept!)

At any rate, the imagery that equates the consumption of the written word with that of food is not at all a modern one.

Most famously, perhaps, it features in the Septuagint, in Ezekiel 2:8–3:3 (ISV):

Son of Man, you are to listen to what I tell you. You are never to be rebellious like they are: a rebellious group. Now, open your mouth and eat what I’m giving you…

As I watched, all of a sudden there was a hand being stretched out in my direction! And there was a scroll

being unrolled right in front of me! Written on both sides were lamentations, mourning, and cries of grief.

Then he told me, “Son of Man, eat! Eat what you see —this scroll—and then go talk to the house of Israel.”

So I opened my mouth and he fed me the scroll.

Then he told me, “Son of Man, fill your stomach and digest this scroll that I’m giving you.” So I ate it, and it was like sweet honey in my mouth.

Cicero, too, uses this imagery, in his letters to Atticus, namely at Cic. Att. 126 (= 7.3.2) S-B:

quid enim tibi faciam, qui illos libros devorasti

For what can I do for you, as you have devoured those books

and similarly at Att. 86 (= 4.11.2) S-B:

nos hic voramus litteras cum homine mirifico (ita mehercule sentio) Dionysio, qui te omnisque vos salutat: οὐδὲν γλυκύτερον ἢ πάντ᾽ εἰδέναι.

Here we devour literature with that amazing man (I mean it, by Hercules), Dionysius, who extends his greetings to you and all: there is no sweeter thing than being omniscient. 

And finally, the idea of ‘eating books’ even features in Artemidoruswork on the interpretation of ominous dreams (2.45), where he explains that –

Eating books signifies benefits for teachers, sophists, and for all those who earn a living from words or books. But for other men, it portends sudden death.

Back to more cheerful, festive thoughts.

The New Year biscuits of ancient Rome, inscribed with their magical formula accipio | annu(m) | novu(m) | felice(m) (‘I receive a happy new year‘) – a magical formula that may remind of similar spoken formulae, e. g. those used in the context of sacramental bread – merges the metaphorical and the literal intake of written words.

In fact, it is, in a number of ways, a bit like a positive counterpart to the binding spell of ancient curse tablets, as it allows the devourer, quite literally, to be filled with the (again quite literally!) strong, positive energy of the New Year’s wish – an idea that has not at all died out in the context of the emotional celebrations for New Year’s Eve.

And on that note: Happy New Year, everyone!

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Season’s Greetings

There is no denying it: the festive season is upon us.

Could I give my readership a more appropriate present than the text and my translation of two Latin verse inscriptions from the Church of the Nativity at Bethlehem – a city that, like very few others, is of the highest symbolic relevance for Jews, Christians, and Muslims alike?

I think not!

So here they are – two poems from Bethlehem, dedicated to a noble Roman lady called Paula (CLEOr 34 = Hier. ep. 108.33):

A. Funerary Epigram for Paula (at her grotto)

Respicis angustum praecisa rupe sepulc{h}rum:
hospitium Paulae est caelestia regna tenentis,
fratrem cognatos Romam patriamque relinquens
divitias subolem Bethlemiti conditur antro:
hic praesepe tuum, Christe, atque hic mystica magi
munera portantes homini regique deoque.

Behold the narrow tomb, cut into the rock:
It harbours Paula, who now possesses the heavenly realms,
Leaving behind her brother, relatives, and Rome, her fatherland,
Riches, offspring: she is buried in a Bethlehemian grotto.
Here is your cradle, Christ, and here are the Wise Men,
Offering mystical gifts to the man, the king, and god.

B. Funerary Epigram for Paula (at her tomb)

Scipio quam genuit, Pauli fudere parentes
Gracchorum suboles, Agamemnonis inclita proles,
hoc iacet in tumulo. Paulam dixere priores
Eustochiae genetrix Romani prima senatus
pauperiem Christi et Bethlemitica rura secuta est.

Who was sired by Scipio, fathered by the Pauli,
The Gracchi’s offspring, Agamemnon’s famous descendant,
Lies in this tomb. Once upon a time called Paula,
Mother of Eustochium, first of the Roman senatorial class,
She followed Christ’s penury and rural Bethlehem.

These poems were (arguably) originally inscribed at the tomb of Paula in the Church of the Nativity at Bethlehem. They were composed by Eusebius Sophronius Hieronymus, more commonly known as (Saint) Jerome, and they survive, not on stone, but as mentions in a long epitaph to commemorate Jerome’s long-time companion.

Paula, also known as Saint Paula of Rome (the patron saint of widows, according to Roman Catholic belief), had settled at Bethlehem after extended pilgrimage to Egypt and the Holy Land.

A member of Rome’s senatorial elite, Paula was widowed in her early thirties and (according to Jerome’s letter, anyway) decided to forgo her status and her significant riches in order to lead a spiritual, religious life.

Paula, having found new purpose in her life, is said to have founded a convent at Bethlehem, and among many other things, she is also famously reported as having helped Jerome in his translation of the Christian Bible from Hebrew into Greek and Latin.

In fact, according to PalladiusLausiac History, Paula out-smarted the Christian father by a significant margin (ch. 41.1):

Paula, mother of Toxotius, a woman of great distinction in the spiritual life. She was hindered by a certain Jerome from Dalmatia. For though she was able to surpass all, having great abilities, he hindered her by his jealousy, having induced her to serve his own plan.

Jerome’s funerary epigrams are testimony to his respectful appreciation for this Roman noble lady who abandoned her riches in order to find spiritual fulfilment.

His words have ensured a lasting legacy for Paula.

Yet (and, with Palladius’s statement in mind, unsurprisingly), they do not mention her intellectual abilities, contributions, or achievements, reducing her life to inherited status, a smattering of piety, and … motherhood.

May I make a Christmas wish, academic and generally?

Let us overcome such patronising attitudes towards women.

And while I am at it, let us hope that Paula, as the patron saint of widows, regardless of creed, will have a relatively easy year – a year, in which narrow-mindedness, misguided fanaticism, and manifest greed will not add significantly to her significant natural chores.

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Pope Damasus on Torture

Pope Damasus I (b. 305-ish, d. 385) was keen to promote veneration for the martyrs of the early Christian church. In order to achieve this he, among other things, composed epigrams, e. g. to decorate the burial spots of those who had suffered for their beliefs.

Revolted by the passages that have emerged from the Senate intelligence committee’s report on CIA torture as well as disgusted by my lack of actual surprise at what has emerged (what do we think the CIA and similar services do in their day job?), I would like to recall one of Damasus’ epigrams.

Damasus’ following poem, originally inscribed on stone, is dedicated to Saint Lawrence (CLE 903 = ICUR 7.18368 = ILCV 1992):

Verbera carnifices flammas tormenta catenas
vincere Laurenti sola fides potuit.
haec Damasus cumulat supplex altaria donis
martyris egregii suspiciens meritum.

Stripes, executioners, fire, torture, chains:
St. Lawrence’s faith alone managed to overcome all that.
Damasus, suppliant, loads these altars with gifts,
looking up to the merit of this outstanding martyr.

Tintoretto, The martyrdom of St. Lawrence. – Image source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/06/Tintoretto.jpg.

Tintoretto, The martyrdom of St. Lawrence. – Image source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/06/Tintoretto.jpg.

St. Lawrence (d. 258) was archdeacon of Rome and responsible for a good deal of money of the Christian community (including its spend among the poor in the form of alms). He was tortured and executed for his unwillingness to hand over these means to Rome’s authorities.

Or as we, in our (post-)Christian righteousness, would presumably call it: a second-in-command and terror financier.

Nowadays, churches are named after St. Lawrence. Nowadays, his sufferings are celebrated as martyrdom. Nowadays, our society allows its henchmen (and -women) to administer torture, while we allow ourselves to detest it publicly with grandstand gestures.

How will a future Damasus judge us, and what will he have to say about the victims of torture?

Incidentally, the actual Damasus knew where to find his words: in pagan literature, in Lucretius‘ third book of the De rerum natura (note the verbatim allusion in line 1017 – translation taken from here):

Cerberus et Furiae iam vero et lucis egestas,
Tartarus horriferos eructans faucibus aestus!
qui neque sunt usquam nec possunt esse profecto;
sed metus in vita poenarum pro male factis
est insignibus insignis scelerisque luela,     1015
carcer et horribilis de saxo iactus deorsum,
verbera carnifices robur pix lammina taedae;
quae tamen etsi absunt, at mens sibi conscia factis
praemetuens adhibet stimulos torretque flagellis,
nec videt interea qui terminus esse malorum     1020
possit nec quae sit poenarum denique finis,
atque eadem metuit magis haec ne in morte gravescant.
hic Acherusia fit stultorum denique vita.

Cerberus and Furies, and that Lack of Light
Tartarus, out-belching from his mouth the surge
Of horrible heat- the which are nowhere, nor
Indeed can be: but in this life is fear
Of retributions just and expiations
For evil acts: the dungeon and the leap
From that dread rock of infamy, the stripes,
The executioners, the oaken rack,
The iron plates, bitumen, and the torch.
And even though these are absent, yet the mind,
With a fore-fearing conscience, plies its goads
And burns beneath the lash, nor sees meanwhile
What terminus of ills, what end of pine
Can ever be, and feareth lest the same
But grow more heavy after death. Of truth,
The life of fools is Acheron on earth.

Damasus took the opening of his poem from Lucretius’ description of how the unenlightened imagine and dread the underworld, with all its pains, thus turning the executioners into quasi-devils.

According to Lucretius, there is no such underworld: the life of fools is Acheron on earth.

But there may well be devils living on earth.

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